BrintonBlog

Reflections on religion and culture by Henry Brinton, pastor of Fairfax Presbyterian Church (Fairfax, Virginia), author of "Balancing Acts: Obligation, Liberation, and Contemporary Christian Conflicts" (CSS Publishing, 2006), co-author with Vik Khanna of "Ten Commandments of Faith and Fitness" (CSS Publishing, 2008), and contributor to The Washington Post and USA TODAY.

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Monday, August 11, 2008

The Race for the Religious Center -- USA TODAY, August 11, 2008

To read the popular press these days, one would think that the world of religion was divided quite comfortably into two camps: The religious right and the insurgent religious left. For those Americans — most, in fact — standing squarely in the middle, the perception has never quite fit reality.

On Saturday, the presumptive presidential nominees will appeal directly to this religious center, and they'll do it on the same stage. The visit by Barack Obama and John McCain to Rick Warren's Saddleback Church in California isn't your typical stop on the campaign trail. Although presidential candidates are usually focused on liberals or conservatives, these two have discovered that there are votes to be gained by wooing the moderate middle — and that includes the sizeable religious middle.

At Saddleback, Obama and McCain are expected to appear together, at least briefly, and will be answering questions on AIDS, poverty and the environment — areas of special concern to Warren, an evangelical pastor and author of the best-selling book The Purpose-Driven Life.

Co-sponsoring this event is a multidenominational religious group called Faith in Public Life, whose Jewish, Muslim and Christian leaders will be helping Warren devise his questions to the candidates. These religious leaders, along with the two candidates, are keenly aware that an issue such as the environment, for instance, can no longer be painted as a stereotypical liberal concern. The Pew Forum's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey, released in February, found widespread support for stricter environmental laws and regulations among members of evangelical churches (54%), mainline churches (64%), historically black churches (52%) and Catholic churches (60%).

A central force

In a year in which one state or another could tip the election, every demographic can play the spoiler, and the religious center is no exception.

Candidates have already seen the danger of being associated with the religious fringe. Obama has famously rejected his far-left former pastor, Jeremiah Wright, and he's veering right while courting evangelicals, the first Democrat since Jimmy Carter to dare go there. Meanwhile, McCain has distanced himself from far-right televangelist John Hagee, who had endorsed him. He's also moving ahead without the blessing of James Dobson, chairman of Focus on the Family and an influential leader of the religious right.

So why the shift away from the poles? I raised this issue with my parishioner George Barker, a Virginia state senator and Presbyterian elder. He told me that "while many voters want a candidate with religious convictions and core values, most Americans do not want leaders whose absolutist beliefs diminish openness to others' views."

He's right. Indeed, Americans want to hear religious talk from their candidates, because faith provides a window on personal values and integrity. But voters don't want someone with an extreme religious position. After all, the American president has to represent people of all faiths — or of no faith.

Rabbi Jack Moline, chair of the board of the Interfaith Alliance, a national organization committed to protecting the integrity of religion and democracy in America, says both candidates recognize that "the price of embracing the extremists is the loss of the middle in this election."

And again, the sweet spot in November will be the middle.

The youth vote

A generational shift also is at play in this election, and I'm not just talking about the rush to register and the record number of young voters weighing in during the primaries. Many young Christians are slowly shifting toward the political center, and savvy politicians are following them there.

"Evangelical young people are concerned about a broader range of issues than their parents," says Eric Sapp, a partner in the consulting firm Eleison Group, which works with Democrats and progressive groups to improve outreach and communication with American faith communities. He tells me that mission trips — which have become increasingly popular, with 1.6 million people taking such trips in 2005 — expose young Christians to a much wider range of issues. These experiences contribute to a broadened world view for young evangelicals, one that includes concern for global poverty, HIV/AIDS, malaria, the environment and a range of other issues.

"They don't have the fortress mentality of their parents," says Sapp, "but are looking at the moral responsibility of power."

This is by no means to say that cultural issues — abortion, gay marriage and such — no longer have sway with certain voters on the left and right, of course. But it's likely that as more moderate voices begin to drive the debate while forcing the nominees to follow course, such intractable issues become a mere part of the dialogue rather than the defining issue in any dialogue. It's hard to imagine McCain or Obama making same-sex marriage a defining issue in this election, much as it was in 2004.

What's also clear is that much to Obama's credit, the religious conversation is now largely an American one, rather than an increasingly ideological one. He has put Democrats back in the faith game, embracing elements of President Bush's faith-based initiatives while speaking comfortably of his own spiritual life. In part because of his deft public testimony, Republicans no longer own the God vote. That's good for Democrats and Republicans — and it's particularly good for the faithful in the middle.

For his part, McCain's outreach to the faithful has at times felt forced. "It would help if he were able to talk comfortably about his faith story," notes Richard Land, president of the Southern Baptist Convention's Ethics & Religious Liberty Commission. "If I were advising him, I would say, 'Be authentic, stay within your comfort zone, don't go beyond it.' "

The Arizona Republican knows, though, that his campaign's Straight Talk Express will lose considerable steam without the religious vote.

In a country where 96% of Americans believe in God or a higher power, and 70% feel that it is important that the president has strong religious beliefs, a candidate for the White House can't spell "Inauguration Day" without G-O-D.

And the only way Obama or McCain will get there is by securing the votes and confidence of the country's growing religious center.

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